A federal judge on Friday, Feb. 26, 2021 approved a … Judge certifies Wal-Mart class action - U.S. business- nbcnews.com; The Coalition For Change, Inc. (C4C) (Listing of racial discrimination class actions in the Federal government) Wal-Mart will pay $40m to workers - The Boston Globe (December 3, 2009); Mississippi's first class-action lawsuit filed over oil spill - Oil Spill - SunHerald.com (30 April 2010) . If there was real danger in the U.S. of so-called sleeper cells of terrorists, as the government repeatedly claimed, police and security services would need help in spotting these individuals. It is not new; more to the point, it is not gone, even 25 years after the first litigated cases and statistical studies of the tactic. It has constituted a fact of life for African Americans as long as there have been organized police forces in the United States—indeed, even before that, with the slave patrols of the American Antebellum South. When they refused to listen to Mr. Wilkins tell them what the law did and did not allow them to do, they bought themselves a federal civil suit. Rather, their reasons were simpler and more straightforward: Profiling would fail. Arizona took the lead. Most of these laws stayed in effect for just two or three years; they were temporary, a way to conduct something like pilot studies of racial profiling. In every police agency in which measurement had occurred, the use of race-based stops and searches rendered police efforts less effective than policing that did not reference race. This, of course, helps no one. The same must be done for all other types of routine enforcement that results in searches, such as stop and frisk activity. As one of the officials told the Globe, “believing that you can achieve safety by looking at characteristics instead of behavior is silly. Using a study protocol designed by Dr. John Lamberth of Temple University, the expert retrained by the Soto team, hard numbers based on in-person observation on the New Jersey Turnpike—the location of the Pipeline-inspired interdiction efforts—proved that the race of the drivers played the dominant role in determining which drivers police pulled over and which vehicles and people were searched by obtaining so-called voluntary consent. But perhaps the biggest mistake the police made was who they treated this way. These settlements were put in places where police departments were determined to be engaging in discriminatory and abusive policing, including racial and other profiling. They have recognized the reality of the practice and used their own internal rules, regulations, and policies to prohibit it. The simple expedient of so-called voluntary consent allows searches to take place anyway, without evidence, 90 percent of the time because the vast majority of people will not defy the authority of the requesting officer or are afraid that refusing the request will make them “look guilty.” The racially skewed statistics on who ends up being searched pursuant to consent, in study after study, show just how important consent searches have become to this pernicious practice. Some smaller number of departments have also committed to collecting data on all traffic stops, stops and frisks, and other routine police practices. [I]f pressure has to be kept on innocent Arabs until those Arabs who are intent on committing mass murder are flushed out, that is the unfortunate cost they must pay to reside in this nation.”, Thus, a new reason for racial (or ethnic or religious) profiling came along, to put the old wine of the tactic in new bottles. Racial Profiling: Legal and Constitutional Issues Congressional Research Service Summary Racial profiling is the practice of targeting individuals for police or security detention based on their race or ethnicity in the belief that certain minority groups are more likely to engage in unlawful behavior. The lawsuit, debate over a controversial town mural depicting a Confederate soldier and people picking cotton, and a since-nixed plan to proclaim … you want your eyes and ears looking for pre-attack behaviors, not characteristics.” (Bill Dedman, Airport Security: Memo Warns Against Use of Profiling as Defense, Bos. Third, these differences are not fully justified by differences in criminality. The DEA took notice and created its own system of factors, systematizing them into profiles. On the other, they would be forced, in practice, to make this judgment based on “looking Mexican” and perhaps on the person’s accent. It surfaced in the 2000 presidential election debates, and even in the first speech to the Congress given by President George W. Bush, in which he vowed that his administration would end the practice once and for all. Racial profiling has a long history in the United States. What evidence exists on how it works to achieve crime-fighting and public safety goals? But in some police agencies—the New Jersey and Maryland state police, the New York Police Department, and the US Customs Service, just to name a few—the evidence was beyond question in 2002. . . (Carla Herreria, Woman Calls Police on a Black Family for BBQing at a Lake in Oakland, Huff. The facts of Whren illustrated the practice perfectly. (Sep 2020) Agrees vibrant economy key to addressing racial tensions. (Jeffrey M. Jones, Americans Felt Uneasy Toward Arabs, Gallup Poll Monthly, Sept. 28, 2001.)
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